|
Regular physical activity (PA) has been shown to lead to numerous
physical and psychosocial outcomes, particularly among youth. For example,
it is well established that PA has a positive impact on several biological
functions and helps to prevent certain troubles like overweight or obesity
(Goran et al., 1999).
Moreover, regular PA has been positively linked to physical self-perceptions
and social acceptance (Brustad et al., 2001).
Experts groups have recommended 60 minutes per day of moderate to vigorous
physical activity for youth (e.g., Cavill et al., 2001).
This quantity can be reached by two sources: energy expenditure through
daily activities and leisure activities like sport. Unfortunately, in
most Western countries, the lifestyle tends to be more and more sedentary,
and adolescence is a period of high dropout from organized sports (e.g.,
Wankel and Mummery, 1996).
France does not constitute an exception to this general observation. Numerous
sport organizations report important dropout rates between the ages of
12 and 15 years old. In the same vein, a national survey conducted among
a representative sample suggested that French people tend to be less and
less active with age, since the average time of physical activity decreases
constantly during adolescence and at the beginning of adulthood (French
Minister for Youth and Sport, 2001).
Regarding the benefits of PA, understanding the reasons of such an evolution
seems a challenging social issue. This preoccupation is particularly relevant
during adolescence, because of the importance of early experience for
future practice during adulthood. Indeed, several studies demonstrated
a significant link between current and past level of physical activity
(Perkins et al. , 2004).
Previous research on sport involvement (see, Gould, 1987;
Kremer et al., 1997;
Sarrazin and Guillet, 2001;
for reviews) or on correlates of PA (e.g., Sallis et al., 2000)
revealed that numerous factors could account for the quantity and duration
of physical practice, such as, (1) demographic or biological characteristics
(e.g., sex, age, BMI), (2) psychological or cognitive attributes (e.g.,
motivation, perceived competence, intentions of participation), (3) social
and cultural factors (e.g., social support) and/or (4) environmental contingencies
(e.g., opportunities to exercise, equipment available). Sport participation,
as well as PA, seem to depend on a wide range of variables that interact
within a very complex causal web (Titze et al., 2005),
and some authors argue that such behaviours are too complex to be encompassed
by a single theory (Sallis et al., 2000).
One major perspective in this area of research is now to clearly distinguish
between all correlates of PA, the most proximal predictors (i.e., mediators),
potential confounders, as well as the more distal antecedents of sport
or PA behaviours. This distinction would give information on the elements
that should constitute a priority for interventions. This work has already
been considered regarding the PA context (e.g., Bauman et al., 2002).
However, no previous study aimed at addressing this issue in the context
of organized sport to our knowledge.
The purpose of this study was precisely to examine simultaneously several
potential determinants of sport dropout or persistence, in order to have
a broad perspective on this phenomenon. Because those factors were sometimes
found to be correlated, we aimed at evaluating their relative place within
the process leading to sport dropout (i.e., proximal versus distal versus
confounding factors). We also aimed at examining the role of different
members of the social environment identified as important for young athletes,
namely parents, teammates and coach. Indeed, previous research on sport
dropout is characterised by a focus on the coach (e.g., Sarrazin et al.,
2002),
or on parental influence (e.g., Fredricks and Eccles, 2005).
The group of peers remains a relatively unexplored "actor" in
this domain. It is however recognised as an increased source of influence
for adolescents, and has been shown to participate to the quality of the
sport experience (Smith, 2003).
In order to reach those goals, a cross-sectional study was carried out
to compare samples of current and former athletes. The theoretical frameworks
we retained among contemporary frameworks were chosen based on their relevance
with regard to behavioural involvement, and because they were previously
applied to the athletic area. The key variables of those models were selected,
so as to investigate simultaneously a broad range of demographical, biological,
psychological and social characteristics. We took into account the fact
that some constructs might be very close conceptually from one framework
to another and in some cases we deliberately assessed them only once.
The set of variables retained is listed at the end of this section.
First, some variables were drawn from the Sport Commitment Model (SCM;
e.g., Carpenter et al., 1993).
This model supposes that individuals' psychological commitment and thus
their behavioural persistence is positively predicted by 3 elements: (1)
their degree of satisfaction toward the activity (i.e., positive affective
experience); (2) the absence of attractive alternative activities (e.g.,
other leisure activities); (3) the forces that retain him/her in the activity,
such as the resources already invested (time, money), or the social pressure
to pursue it. The first two variables were significantly linked to persistence
in sport; hence, a high degree of satisfaction, and a low level of conflict
of interest with other activities, may prevent from sport dropout. On
the other hand, the last prediction received less empirical support. Indeed,
no significant bound appeared between personal investment and commitment
(Guillet at al., 2002),
and money, time, or distance are sometimes advances as barriers to exercise
(Bauman et al., 2002).
On the other hand, social constraints appeared as a positive (rather than
negative) predictor of dropout (Guillet et al., 2002).
The tenets of this model would thus deserve to be tested again in the
sport context.
Next, the central components of Eccles' Expectancy-Value Model (e.g.,
Eccles et al., 2000)
were considered. This paradigm focuses on the mechanisms underlying children
and adolescents' choices and investment in various life domains. Basically,
the model states that a young individual is likely to maintain his/her
involvement in a domain as long as his/her expectations of success in
the activity - or perceived competence - and the value he/she attaches
to it, are high. Moreover, the model highlights the role of parents in
gauging such perceptions. A recent review of the literature deriving from
this model in the sport area confirms (a) the links between young individuals'
perceptions and their behaviour, including the dropout behaviour (e.g.,
Guillet at al., 2006)
and (b) the significant role played by parents (Bois and Sarrazin, 2006).
Third, we assessed the key concepts from Self-Determination Theory (SDT;
Deci and Ryan, 2000).
This comprehensive framework distinguishes different types of motivation
that can be ordered along a continuum of self-determination, including
intrinsic motivation, self-determined and controlled forms of extrinsic
motivation, and amotivation. The more self-determined the motivation,
the more positive the outcomes should be, especially behavioral persistence
(Vallerand, 2001).
Besides, SDT enhances the importance of three basic needs - autonomy (i.e.,
feeling like the 'origin' and not the 'pawn' of one's actions), competence
(i.e., feeling effective in one's ongoing interactions), and relatedness
(i.e., feeling connected to others, caring for and being cared for by
those others) - that may be more or less sustained by the social environment.
A review of the studies conducted in sport within this theoretical framework
supports the role played by the motivations and psychological needs mentioned
above to predict dropout (Sarrazin et al., 2007).
Achievement Goal Theory (AGT; see Duda, 2001
for a review) was also mobilized for the purpose of the present study.
This model proposes that the motivational climate provided may impact
the goal pursued by individuals and hence their persistence. Indeed, AGT
opposes a mastery or task-oriented climate (i.e., emphasizing learning
processes and progress), that may favour self-referenced evaluations and
persistence, to a more competitive or ego-oriented climate (i.e., where
the result and social comparison are emphasized), that may damage the
implication of certain individuals. Past research in the sport dropout
literature suggests that the perception of a mastery climate from the
coach is associated with persistence, whereas a competitive climate is
associated with dropout (Sarrazin et al., 2002).
A different way of considering coaching was developed by Chelladurai,
1993
in his work on leadership, who sustains that athletes vary in their preferred
coaching style, and that an important distortion between the preferred
and perceived coaching could be at the origin of athletes' dissatisfaction.
This proposition was sustained by empirical data (Chelladurai and Saleh,
1978),
supporting the idea that the degree of coherence between the view of the
athlete and the one of his/her social environment could impact the quality
of sport experience. On the other hand, perceiving goal conflicts with
one's social environment might lead to higher rates of sport dropout.
In the present study, we assessed the key constructs presented above,
as well as certain atheoretical characteristics that were found to related
to PA behaviours (Sallis et al., 2000),
that can be categorized into three groups of variables: (1) demographical
or biological characteristics (e.g., time dedicated to the activity, BMI);
(2) psychological perceptions within the sport context (motivation, value,
psychological needs, satisfaction, perceived conflict with other activities);
(3) perceptions of the social environment (value, investment, climate,
goal conflict with the coach/ parents/peers).
|
|
and Philippe G. Sarrazin2